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October 18, 2011

A Historic Victory in Costa Rica

For the first time in Costa Rican history an indigenous community has successfully sued to recover territory that had been theirs according to earlier rulings.

Along with the fact that this marks the first such victory for any Indigenous Peoples in Costa Rica, the community’s leader stated that it opens the door for similar suits from any of the indigenous groups in the nation.

“It is a very important achievement,” asserted Demetrio Mayorga, president of the Kekoldi reservation’s ruling body, the Integral Development Association (ADI), “because for the first time the law is on our side.

“This opens the possibility for the other 24 aboriginal territories to recover their lands, because without them we are not complete,” Mayorga added.

On September 12, the Administrative Tribunal of Contention ordered the relevant federal agencies – the Institute of Agrarian Development (IDA) and the National Commission of Indigenous Affairs (CONAI) – to expropriate more than 11,000 acres of land to be returned to the Bribri community of the Kekoldi reservation—this part of Bribri territory is currently occupied by non-indigenous people.

According to the ruling the IDA and CONAI will have one month to identify the non-indigenous people affected by the ruling, then six months to determine the monetary values of the properties and then one year to effect the moves and transfer of ownership.

Even though the formal transfer is not completed, the community’s attorney is pleased with this development.

“This ruling is historic,” stated Danilo Chaverri Barrantes, attorney for the Bribri community, “because it’s the fist time that they order these institutions to remove non-Indigenous Peoples from these lands, but the most important thing is that they have established that it shall take one year to do so.”

“It is also important,” Chaverri Barrantes noted, “as it is the first time that indigenous people sued the state and … they have never had a hearing before in that sense.”

These recovered lands had been included in a presidential decree of 1977 that had created the Kekoldi reservation, a territory that extends across 14,820 acres. The Bribri people were only able to settle on 1,500 acres of the territory at first, due in part to lawsuits against the executive order. Those lawsuits were then overturned in 1997 and 2001, which technically gave the Bribri the right to those disputed territories but no formal actions were taken to affect the transfers.

In an August press statement prior to the ruling Chaverri Barrantes explained that, “In those 34 years the indigenous people have fought against invasions with few positive results. They are in possession of 3,705 acres but their territory is 14,820 acres. That is to say that there are 11,115 acres of their territory of which they do not currently occupy, and this must be a subject of study.”

Chaverri Barrantes also explained that there are other legal challenges to the original executive order that have not been resolved, and that the transfer process will be delayed until these challenges are settled.

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July 18, 2011

Activists in Peru Denounce Plans for Uncontacted Native Lands

With less than two weeks left in office, the administration of Peruvian President Alan Garcia faces a new controversy over its treatment of uncontacted Natives in the country’s Amazon region.

Representatives of Native, environmental and human rights organizations in Peru have criticized new regulations proposed by the Ministry of Culture for the supervision of exploratory and extractive activities inside the country’s indigenous and territorial reserves. In a press release, the Amazonian Native association AIDESEP claimed that the new regulations were drafted to facilitate drilling for gas in the Nahua Kugapakori and Nanti Territorial Reserve – created in 1999 to protect Natives living in voluntary isolation, or who have recently been contacted – and warned that this could endanger them.

“They want to do the oil industry a favor before they leave office,” said Carlos Soria, an environmental lawyer and expert on uncontacted peoples, referring to the fact that Garcia’s five-year term ends on July 28. He noted that even though the proposed regulations include a series of precautions that companies must take when operating in areas with uncontacted Natives, it would be very difficult for the government to ensure compliance with them.

Indian Country Today Media Network was unable to interview Ministry of Culture officials, but in a press release, they “completely rejected” claims that the ministry was “promoting regulations in favor of private interests.” The release states that the regulations are a draft that was distributed in order to get feedback from organizations that represent, or work with Natives.

According to Jimpson Davila, who monitors the oil and gas industry for the environmental organization Derecho, Ambiente y Recursos Naturales (DAR), the controversy stems from a contradiction within the law for protection of uncontacted and recently contacted peoples, which says that the territorial reserves created to protect them are “intangible,” but then adds that the extraction of resources is permissible if deemed a “public necessity.”

Davila noted that the Culture Ministry’s attempt to clarify this discrepancy was released less than a month after the Argentine company Pluspetrol presented an environmental impact study to the Ministry of Energy and Mines as part of proposal to dig three wells inside the Nahua Kugapakori & Nanti Territorial Reserve as part of the Camisea Project. The Ministry has yet to respond to the study.

Pluspetrol is one of several companies in the Camisea consortium, which is exploiting one of South America’s largest natural gas reserves in the remote wilderness of southeast Peru. The consortium has the concession for Block 88, which was superimposed over the middle (approximately one third) of the Nahua Reserve. Davila explained that the consortium is already extracting gas inside the reserve, but whereas those wells are near the reserve’s eastern border, the new environmental impact study is for tapping the San Martín Este gas field, deep inside the Nahua Reserve’s more than 450,000 hectares (1.1 million acres) of wilderness.

Davila predicted that the construction of oil wells that deep inside the reserve would disrupt the lives of Nahua groups living in voluntary isolation, who are nomadic, and thus require a large territory. He warned that oil workers could provoke contact, and spread diseases for which the Natives lack defenses, explaining that the Nahua were first contacted in the 1980s by workers doing exploration for Shell, and subsequent epidemics are believed to have killed half of their population.

Pluspetrol representatives failed to respond to ICTMN’s request for an interview.

“The prospect of forced contact would be a violation of the rights of people living in isolation to life, health, and self determination,” Davila said.  “The government should respect their right to decide whether or not to make contact.”

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September 22, 2011

Are Western Conservation Efforts Causing Famine In Africa?

Reprinted with permissions from AlterNet.

As Americans anxiously watch stock market fluctuations, mothers and fathers a continent away are making choices about which of their children to save. In East Africa, worry about one’s retirement investments is a fairy tale woe compared to the daily struggle for life that many face.

You may have seen something on the television news about a drought in the horn of Africa. The worst such calamity in 60 years, the lack of rain has decimated farmers in Somalia, Kenya, Ethiopia, Djibouti and Uganda. Over the last few months, 390,000 living skeletons have trekked from as far as Southern Sudan to a Kenyan refugee camp, fleeing hunger and war, deprivation and death.

What you may not have seen is that “conservation” efforts undertaken by well-meaning industrialized nations are partly to blame. To save remaining African wilderness, we’ve been impoverishing the very people who have kept it intact. First, we’ve prohibited hunter-gatherers and pastoralists from their traditional itinerant lives and then after we’ve turned them into farmers, we remove them forcibly from their lands.

The exact size of the area designated as protected in the region of this disaster is hard to assess. Somalia boasts 638,750 kilometers of such lands, 11 national parks and 23 reserves. Kenya, an eco-tourism hub, has the most in the region and perhaps the continent: 348 protected areas on 75,238 km. While these may seem happy statistics in the current ocean of tragedy, in creating these preserves, African governments consciously evicted or prohibited from farming an estimated 1.5 million African indigenous inhabitants in the 1990s alone.

Yet the United Nations reported that in Africa the very same cultivation methods these evicted indigenous people always practiced “can deliver the increased yields which were thought to be the preserve of industrial farming, without the environmental and social damage which that form of agriculture brings.” What’s now in vogue as “small-scale mixed-use organic” is just status quo to these unheralded agronomists who know that monoculture and over-cultivation strips the land, and makes communities vulnerable to starvation when their few crops no longer bear fruit.

Traditional practices combining hunting, gathering and organic farming would not have cooled the blazing sun or made the rain fall. They would, however, have ensured the land could better withstand nature’s onslaught and provided alternative sources of food. Instead, narrow-minded policies that fail to see indigenous people as vital to protecting their homes exacerbate the destruction that horrible weather has wrought. Not only do too many of our conservation efforts force whole tribes into refugee camps (or graves along the way), they make preserving lands and wildlife cost more.

Conservation experts, such as George Washington University’s Michal Cernea, have long recognized that a “park-establishment strategy predicated upon compulsory population displacement has…compromised the cause of biodiversity conservation by inflicting aggravated impoverishment on very large numbers of people.”

Scholars have a name for this: conservation-induced population displacement. That sounds euphemistically benign, but it means forcibly removing people who have lived harmoniously on lands in order to protect these lands – global-sized proof that we’ll cut off our nose to save our face.

Conservation is big business – the budgets of non-profits involved in such schemes can dwarf the GDPs of the countries in which they work. International groups receive billions of dollars every year for taking over biodiverse areas in underdeveloped regions without regard for the human diversity that is integral to these lands. The prevailing ethos of pristine wilderness may attract tourism dollars but it’s an expensive, human-rights-violating approach that has never been proven to work.

While modern-day perils, like poaching, pose threats to indigenous people, justifying business-as-usual conservation to control poachers makes as much sense as kicking owners out of homes because thieves may be on the way. In fact, despite everything stacked against them, today’s indigenous lands contain 80 percent of our remaining biodiversity even though they constitute 24 percent of the world’s surface. This is living proof that indigenous people are great stewards of land.

Nevertheless, outside the immediate famine zone, more of the same awaits these newly nomadic indigenous people. The Maasai of the Ngorongoro Conservation Area in Tanzania, for example, are prohibited from living off the lands that had been their home for hundreds of years. The area’s status as a world heritage site would be threatened were the Maasai to remain, so they were pressured by the government eager to collect conservation dollars to leave, and assured they would not be allowed to farm, graze livestock or gather food if they remained.

This violation of Maasai rights forced them to seek refuge in other countries even as the famine refugees begin to enter Tanzania. And this is no isolated case. Big league conservation groups are encouraging African leaders to re-create this pattern throughout the Horn of Africa and beyond. Famine is the inevitable result of a community barred from producing food and living as they have for the whole of human history.

This is not, as some may claim, “Sophie’s Choice” on a massive scale. We are not sacrificing people in order to save trees and elephants – we’re taking everything down with the same destructive policy sweep. And there’s a way to address the environmental, moral and human rights concerns all at once.

Indigenous people know how to care for their homelands; they’ve done so for centuries without the West’s well-meaning intervention. In fact, indigenous groups conserve land, purify air and protect biodiversity for $3.50 per hectare; for large organizations to administer and conserve a hectare U.S. taxpayers spend $3,500. Yet, the United States Agency for International Development or USAID, the government agency that does development work internationally, continues to award 90 percent of its conservation funding to create and maintain these impoverishing protected areas, leaving zero for the indigenous communities who’ve been silently (and effectively) doing this work against great odds.

To reverse this dangerous trend, we must first grant land tenure rights to Indigenous Peoples across the world, affirming what’s been theirs all along. Because most of these groups have lived on their land since before the advent of property regulations or even governments, they don’t hold deeds and thus have no means of legal redress in eviction attempts. Once we accomplish this, we must equitably equip indigenous people to do the work of preservation in harmony with their needs. This is the only morally defensible course of action. Of course, if this doesn’t sway you, there’s a pragmatic reason, too: it’s cheaper.

Rebecca Adamson is the president and founder of First Peoples Worldwide.

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September 28, 2011

As Storms Hit the Philippines, Indigenous Peoples Wait on Congress Approval

The Philippines is reeling this week from the devastation recently caused by Typhoon Nesat that hit Monday night killing at least 21 people. Now as the country prepares for a tropical storm that could turn into its second typhoon within a week Indigenous Peoples are waiting on Congress.

In the shadows of the storms hitting the country lies a recent push in Congress for responses to outstanding issues stemming from the passage of the Mining Act of 1995, an Indigenous Peoples-responsive law.

Ifugao Rep. Teddy Brawner Baguilat, chairman of the House Committee on Cultural Communities, is behind the push of a new mining law to respect Indigenous Peoples rights with a focus on claims of ancestral domains.

This push could be related to the recent passage of Peru’s law calling for consultation with Indigenous Peoples over land use.

In an article posted September 16 at Bulatlat.com Baguilat said, “In Indigenous Peoples communities, mining operations have resulted in loss of livelihood, dislocation of settlements, weakening of social systems and loss of ownership and control over land, among many other harmful effects.”

In a Bulatlat.com article from August 12, Johnny Sawadan, a spokesperson of the Cordillera People’s Alliance gave a speech to Indigenous Peoples at a rally in Manila. “Mining operations of giant companies have always been coupled with massive deployment of state soldiers,” he said. He went on to address how the armed forces are deployed to supposedly protect the citizens but that their presence only results in rights violations of the people of Cordillera.

Baguilat was also quoted as saying, “The Constitution recognizes the importance of indigenous communities. They are not only an indispensable component of the country’s culture, they also hold a databank of traditional knowledge that can help solve global problems such as climate change. Their existence, therefore, cannot be sacrificed under the pretext of economic development.”

Just as repairs are being made to homes and the communities hit by the typhoon, this push is a way to repair the way the Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines are treated.

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August 2, 2011

Asia Indigenous Hearing: McGovern Renews Call for More Active U.S. Embassies

Confronted with testimony of yet another vast continent’s atrocities against Indigenous Peoples, Rep. James McGovern again resorted to the potential role of U.S. Embassies in forging relationships with persecuted peoples.

The occasion was a July 26 hearing, held in Washington D.C, of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission on Indigenous Peoples of Asia—the third and final in a series on Indigenous Peoples. At previous hearings on Indigenous Peoples of Latin America and Africa, McGovern, D-Mass., the commission co-chair, had seized on the lack of U.S. Embassy relationships with marginalized Indigenous Peoples, and he found a similar pattern in Asian nations.

“I don’t think there is a strong relationship yet” with the U.S. Embassy in India, said Rashmi Ekka, executive director of Adivasi Development Network.

“At least it would take away the excuse that ‘no one has talked to us,’” McGovern said. But with U.S. Embassies in place the world over, and the plight of Indigenous Peoples overwhelming in their complexity and extent for any one agency of Congress, McGovern had identified a viable pathway for progress. He returned to the theme in closing. U.S. Embassy personnel should be “in the field” more with Indigenous Peoples, he said, and members of Congress who travel should “signal to governments” that they care about Indigenous peoples by meeting with them.

“Advocacy of peoples’ rights doesn’t always have to be confrontational,” he added, in a nod to the evidence of government violence against Indigenous Peoples.

There was plenty of that. “We are considered inhuman, barbarian” for living in the forest and consuming meat, Ekka said of the Adivasi. But nowadays as well, India’s economic development priorities also threaten them. “Because Indigenous Peoples see that they aren’t getting a good deal for their land that is being acquired,” Adivasi advocates building small fortresses to occupy taken land and refuse to let the police or military enter, “and then there’s an altercation.”

Sophie Richardson of Human Rights Watch said U.S. citizens simply haven’t been exposed to the kind of nationalist military thinking in Asia that defines Indigenous Peoples as “almost inhuman,” and so knowingly denies them any protection.

Senge H. Sering, president of the Institute for Gilgit Baltistan, said that in Pakistan the Baltistan language itself, let alone the people who are subject to dispossession for energy pipelines and expressways and indeed the full gamut of development purposes – in Pakistan the very Baltistan language “is considered profane.”

In Burma, where energy pipelines, mega-dams and hydropower plants have led to the habitual confiscation of indigenous lands and the conscription of forced indigenous labor, the persecution of Rohingya, Karen and other Indigenous Peoples differs in degree. The Burmese military junta has been extreme in its persecutions, going back at least to 1978 and a military offensive against “foreigners.” Since then arrest, confiscation, torture, rape, murder, and the denial of basic services have been deployed against indigenous “foreigners,” according to Jennifer Quigley of U.S. Campaign for Burma. Of many “multi-ethnic” peoples in Burma (where indigenous is not a recognized concept), the Rohingya and Karen suffer most, she said in response to questioning.

Like McGovern, Quigley concluded that small steps matter against brutality. The Burmese government simply doesn’t care what grassroots communities think, but international opinion carries some weight. International partnerships with the Rohingya, Karen and others remain critical, therefore, in “inching” toward progress in Burma, Quigley said.

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January 26, 2012

Australian PM Gillard Escorted Away From Indigenous Rights Protestors

Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard made an early exit along with opposition leader Tony Abbott from an awards ceremony being held on Australia’s National Day Thursday as protestors from a nearby indigenous rights event arrived and began banging on windows of the Canberra restaurant Gillard and Abbott were in according to an Associated Press article.

Around 200 protestors chanted “shame” and “racist” outside the restaurant, directing the words at Abbott, as police escorted the political leaders away.

Australia Day, or Invasion Day to aborigines, marks the arrival of the first fleet of British colonists. The day marks the land settlement without treaty.

According to AP, Abbott had angered the protestors earlier, as they were celebrating 40 years of its tent embassy, saying it was time the embassy “moved on.”

While many mainstream indigenous leaders have condemned the activists who mobbed the restaurant, those responsible accused Abbott of inciting racial tensions accorting to an article in The Australian.

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October 26, 2011

Better Test Scores for Indigenous Students in Mexico

Indigenous elementary school students in Mexico have improved their test scores in Math and Spanish again this year according to results from a national comprehensive exam, and these advances mark the sixth consecutive year of better grades for indigenous children.

According to the 2011 National Evaluation of Academic Achievement (Enlace), indigenous girls and boys at the elementary levels registered an advance of six percentage points in the categories of Excellent and Good in mathematics since 2010. From 2006 to 2011, the total increase was 16.9 percentage points in the higher categories, along with a decrease of 19.4 percentage points of indigenous students in the categories of Basic and Insufficient.

These elementary school age children also scored higher in Spanish in 2011 with an increase of 3.7 percentage points from 2010 in the Excellent and Good categories. Similar to the overall advances in math, the students increased their total scores by 13.6 percentage points between 2006 and 2011, with a decrease of 18.7 percentage points in the Basic and Insufficient levels in that same time period.

These improvements, according to Rosalinda Morales Garza, the Director of Indigenous Education in Mexico (DGEI), are directly linked to a change in national education policy and a strategy involving the professionalization of teachers who work with indigenous students.

In a press statement issued on October 10, Morales Garza asserted that the improved scores come from a “public policy oriented towards results with a strengthening of teaching methods, of an integral strategy of professionalization of indigenous educators, that has brought an academic mobilization connected to the Indigenous Education Professionals Network (IEPN), that also reasserted the culture of responsibility for improving their performance in the classroom, with innovative practices…”

The statement also noted that “…the efforts at professionalization and formation continue, coordinated by the DGEI’s technical teams at more than 100 events annually.”

Part of the professionalization effort, according to DGEI publications, involves participatory seminars for educators, and courses designed by specialists in indigenous education that are offered to teachers of indigenous children and adolescents. Close to 20,000 teachers have taken these courses yearly since 2008.

According to information provided by Beatriz Martinez, an Education Media Consultant for the DGEI, the teachers who participate in the seminars and other programs, learn about the customs, practices and experiences of the Indigenous Peoples in Mexico. The DGEI team has also designed a series of Indigenous Language courses, where students in 120 schools can learn the Maya, Totonaco, Nahuatl or Nahnu language that includes a variety of textbooks in the respective language.

Following these efforts is a bilingual, Spanish as a second language program for very young children, where the students begin to learn to read and write in their native language as well as learning Spanish as a second language as part of the same program. So far, the DGEI data shows that there are now 59,000 indigenous bilingual teachers working in schools in Mexico.

These indigenous programs are aimed at the 1.3 million elementary school age indigenous children and the 850,000 adolescents who are presently enrolled in any of the 23,000 indigenous schools in Mexico. One of the recent projects of the DGEI is also to include the indigenous children of migrant farm workers in the country, where it is estimated that 40 percent of all migrant farm workers are indigenous.

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October 21, 2011

Bolivia President Moves to Reroute TIPNIS Road

Indigenous Bolivians from the National Park and Indigenous Territory Isiboro Secure (TIPNIS) won a major concession from President Evo Morales today.

The President announced he would change the text of a proposed law so it prohibits construction of a controversial government-backed road planned through the TIPNIS. The new text must be approved by the Senate, but appears to signify victory for the hundreds of protestors who walked 250-miles over 66 days from Bolivia’s tropical lowlands to the government seat of La Paz.

Protestors arrived in La Paz Wednesday to a huge outpouring of support and made their way toward the city center. After two tense and bitingly cold nights sleeping outside the president’s offices, protest leaders entered into talks with Morales today. While Morales has moved to meet the marchers’ principle demand that the road not cross the park, there are other key points to be resolved.

Marchers are hopeful that negotiations with the President will be successful, despite their loss of confidence in the government after police tried to block their way and attacked them with tear gas over a month into their journey.

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July 8, 2011

Bolivia Withdraws from UN Treaty That Limits Chewing Coca Leaf

Bolivia’s President Evo Morales announced July 7 that he has withdrawn the Andean country from a United Nations treaty that bans chewing the coca leaf.

The coca leaf can be processed to produce cocaine, but it is also an important part of Andean culture. In Bolivia, South America’s most indigenous nation, the leaf has been chewed to relieve hunger and thirst and used in religious ceremonies for thousands of years. It has particular importance in western Bolivia’s Aymara and Quechua indigenous communities. A limited amount of coca leaf is legally planted in the country for traditional use, while leaf grown beyond Bolivia’s legal limit is often funneled to cocaine production.

Bolivia presented a denunciation which seals its resignation from the United Nations 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs on June 29, a move state media confirmed for the first time today.

The denunciation responds to “the need to guarantee respect for the human rights of indigenous peoples, and all who chew coca as a traditional cultural practice,” said Bolivia’s foreign minister David Choquehuanca of the country’s unprecedented resignation from the Convention.

The International Narcotics Control Board, which monitors government compliance with drug treaties, released a statement expressing regret at Bolivia’s denunciation of the Convention. The Control Board encouraged the international community to reject moves by any country to leave the Convention and return with reservations, saying this “would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of Governments over many years to achieve the aims and objectives of the drug control conventions, including the prevention of drug abuse which is devastating the lives of millions of people.”

Within Bolivia opinions are mixed on withdrawing from the convention. “We don’t see it as a positive in any way that we, Bolivians, who have so many problems because of drug trafficking, have left the Convention,” said opposition representative to congress Javier Leigue.

The move comes at a tense moment for anti-trafficking efforts in Bolivia, as a top Bolivian police official faces charges in the U.S. of cocaine trafficking following a U.S.-led sting in Panama. An internal investigation in Bolivia, the world’s third-largest producer of coca leaf after Peru and Colombia, implicated several more Bolivian police officials in trafficking.

Earlier this year The United Nations considered an amendment to the Single Convention sponsored by Bolivia that proposed sections of the Convention requiring an end to chewing the coca leaf be removed.

“Due to lack of information, in some countries they confuse the coca leaf with cocaine, coca leaf producers with drug-traffickers and people who use coca in its natural state with addicts,” Morales, Bolivia’s Aymara Indian President, said after the amendment was rejected by countries party to the convention.

The country’s resignation from the Convention becomes effective January 1, 2012, at which time Bolivian officials say the country will immediately apply to rejoin the Convention with the reservation that it does not recognize language that bans chewing the coca leaf. In order to rejoin, two thirds of the signatories to the convention will need to approve Bolivia’s reentry, according to United Nations sources in Bolivia. Government officials say Bolivia will continue to comply with all commitments to fight drug trafficking laid out in the Convention.

The outcome of Bolivia’s bold move to make chewing coca legal in the country under the Convention while continuing to fight drug trafficking remains to be seen, as does the international community’s response to the situation.

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September 23, 2011

Bolivian Police Block Indigenous March as Communities Clash Over Road

Over a month into a 350-mile march protesting a government-planned road that will bisect their territory, indigenous Bolivians from the tropical lowlands find the route toward the country’s administrative capital of La Paz blocked by hundreds of police. The police stand between the marchers and the people of the town of Yucumo who support the road and vow to halt the march’s progress. Evo Morales, Bolivia’s Aymara Indian president and advocate of indigenous rights, now finds himself criticized by protesters who say his government has violated its own constitution by not consulting Indigenous Peoples before construction began on the road.

As the standoff with police continues the march has become a polarizing theme across Bolivia, sparking distant indigenous communities to protest in solidarity with the TIPNIS. On a national scale, the TIPNIS march raises questions about how Bolivia, which relies heavily on extractive industries such as mining and gas, will develop and export products without stepping on the rights of indigenous people whose territories sit on oil and mineral rich earth, and on how the government will resolve conflicting ideas about land use.

As some 1,500 marchers arrived at the roadblock Tuesday chants of “We want water” went up from the group. Ninety-degree heat in the lowlands and a water shortage have taken their toll, and several children have died from accidents or illness since the march began on August 15. A violent confrontation between marchers and the counter-protestors is feared, as the sound of detonating dynamite from the Yucumo camp has been widely reported. Mallku Rafael Quispe, leader of highland indigenous organization CONAMAQ, which has joined the march, said the group is determined to go forward but will not engage with counter protestors. “The philosophy of our people is peace,” he said, speaking from the roadblock, adding that the marchers are communicating with a wide range of organizations to obtain peaceful passage through Yucumo. The police continue to block the road and will not let marchers access a stream in the area for water, Quispe said.

The marchers are from the National Park and Indigenous Territory Isiboro-Secure (TIPNIS), a stretch of tropical national park that encompasses Original Communal Lands (known by the Spanish acronym TCOs) belonging to three small indigenous groups. Marchers say the road, large parts of which are already under construction outside the park using loans from Brazil, will harm their hunter-gatherer lifestyle and open the area to an influx of colonizers hungry for land to cultivate. There are also fears that the road will open the area to oil exploration, a possibility the government does not deny. But the real sticking point of the march concerns the right of Bolivia’s indigenous people to be consulted about projects that may take place in their territory.

“The Bolivian constitution gives indigenous people specifically the right to prior consent when there will be development projects in their territories,” said Dario Kenner, international relations officer for the Bolivian Climate Change Platform, a network of rural social movements with technical support from non-governmental organizations. “The fact that this is a TCO means that there has to be prior consultation on any project that would affect their territory, like a motorway. It has to be prior, not once the motorway is being built.”

The government holds that consultation will be held on the section of the road crossing the park during the coming weeks, but marchers say they will not negotiate until the government halts construction on all parts of the road. Meanwhile, the government has sent David Choquehuanca, Bolivia’s foreign minister, to meet with protest leaders.

Many people in Yucumo are migrants from Bolivia’s western highlands who moved east in search of land to cultivate. The coca leaf, the base material for cocaine but also an important part of Andean culture, is a key crop in the region. Morales leads Bolivia’s largest organization of coca leaf growers, but is striving to reduce the amount of the leaf grown to combat drug production that plagues Bolivia. For Yucumo and the surrounding region profit from coca must be replaced with other economic options that the government and settlers hope the road will bring.

In Bolivia over 65 percent of the population identifies as indigenous, but the confrontation between the marchers and settlers in Yucumo highlights divisions between ethnically indigenous groups with different lifestyles, identities and agendas. The marchers identify as indigenous and are people closely tied to their historical lands, while the settlers identify as campesinos, mobile farmers often of Aymara Indian background who identify with wider Bolivian social organizations.

Kathryn Ledebur of the Andean Information Network, an NGO that follows Bolivian politics, says the government stance on the road may be inflexible not only because changing the route will increase costs but also because the government is under pressure from many parts of Bolivian society to meet a dizzying array of demands. “With social demands increasing from dozens of sectors, backing down on the march would intensify pressure on all sides,” Ledebur said. “It could be perceived as a sign of weakness.”

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