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August 2, 2012

$3 Million Gift From Nez Perce Tribe Supports Native American Rights Fund Advocacy

The Nez Perce Tribe recently made a hefty contribution to the Native American Rights Fund (NARF) for its role in a major trust fund lawsuit. If other tribes followed suit, NARF’s ability to continue advocating for tribal rights could be enhanced, a key official said.

John Echohawk, NARF executive director, recognized the Nez Perce for their contribution of $3 million to the organization, announced July 30. Echohawk said NARF understands “it’s the largest single donation, from what we can remember here.”

The lawsuit, filed in 2006 against the United States government, sought historical accounting of the tribe’s funds and assets held in trust by the government. The Nez Perce Tribe was one of more than 100 tribes to file such claims, about half of which were represented by NARF.

“We have known them for a long time,” Echohawk said of NARF’s relationship with the Nez Perce. “In years past, we represented them on their tribal water rights settlement.”

“We asked them to be lead plaintiff on behalf of 41 tribes and they agreed to do it. It was originally joined by 11 other tribes in the filing in 2006,” he said, noting that some 30 tribes later joined the trust funds case.

The Department of the Interior late last year chose to settle the lawsuits rather than take them to trial, according to a press release prepared by NARF, and the administration later announced settlements totaling more than $1 billion for more than 40 tribes, forestalling years of potentially difficult litigation.

“We’ve represented many tribes on this issue and we’re hoping other tribes will also consider contributing to the settlement fund to support the work of NARF in the future,” Echohawk said.

The Nez Perce Tribe issued a statement praising NARF for its work in the tribal trust case on the behalf of their tribe and many other tribes, describing NARF as “a true advocate for tribes all over Indian country” and concluding that it hopes their contribution “will continue to carry that work forward into the future.”

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January 5, 2012

10th Circuit Court of Appeals Affirms Family Relationship

A man convicted of engaging in a sexual act with a 12-year-old girl should not be barred from contact with his son and other young family members in part because “there is absolutely no evidence in the record indicating that defendant is a danger to underage boys,” a federal appeals court said December 28.

Randell David Lonjose had pled guilty to one count of the unlawful contact in Indian country after the FBI was notified by the Pueblo of Zuni that he had sexually assaulted an underage female. He was subsequently sentenced to just over four years in prison and three years of supervised release.

As part of a plea agreement, Lonjose waived his right to appeal his sentence, but after his supervised release was modified to include two special conditions, he appealed a special provision that would intrude “on his right to freely associate with his family” and that he contended lacked “compelling justification.”

Just before Lonjose was to complete his prison sentence in 2010, the special condition imposed was that he was not to have contact with children under the age of 18 without prior written permission of his parole officer. He contended the provision was “overly broad and infringe(ed) on his right to familial association with his 6-year-old son and other minor male relatives.”

A three-judge panel of the U.S. 10th Circuit Court of Appeals noted an earlier ruling that “conditions of supervised release must be ‘linked to the offense and be no broader than necessary to rehabilitate the defendant and protect the public.’” Where supervised release interferes with that right, “compelling circumstances must be present to justify the condition.”

Noting that Lonjose had previously had a sexual relationship with another 12-year-old girl, which resulted in the birth of his son, the facts relied upon by the lower court “do not present the compelling circumstances” that would limit his contact with his son and other young, male family members. The extent of the special condition “is an abuse of discretion,” the court said.

While Lonjose could have contact with his family if he got permission from his probation officer, “there is still an impermissible infringement of (his) ability to freely associate with his family,” the court noted.

The decision of the lower court was reversed and the case was remanded, with an instruction for further proceedings that would “reasonably” relate to Lonjose’s offense.

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November 8, 2011

10th Circuit Court of Appeals Roundup – October 31 – November 6

During the week of October 31 – November 6 there were two court cases that were heard by the U.S. 10th Circuit Court of Appeals that have an affect on Indian country.

Crime? It’s in the Eye of the Beholder

It was an unusual kind of weaponry, but appeals court justices weren’t impressed and they upheld a lower court’s conviction and sentencing of a Colorado man.

The status of saliva as a weapon of choice for Daniel Solomon Lehi came into question November 3 in the U.S. 10th Circuit Court of Appeals, where a three-judge panel heard his unsuccessful argument that his sentence exceeded those of other defendants “who spit on other persons” or physically assaulted police officers.

Lehi appealed his felony conviction for forcibly assaulting a federal officer in Towaoc, headquarters of the Ute Mountain Ute Tribe, in May 2010 after his aunt reported that he was drunk and causing trouble.

Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) Lieutenant Dale American Horse responded, struggling with Lehi, handcuffing him, and placing him in a patrol car, but said that during the struggle Lehi spat in his face and “I could feel a lot of it get into my left eye,” he is quoted as saying in court records. “It started getting blurry.”

The District Court found Lehi committed a forcible assault involving physical contact based on the spitting incident, even though he contended that spitting did not constitute physical contact that would support a felony assault conviction.

Under federal law, all forcible assaults against federal officers involving physical contact are felony assaults, the appeals court noted. American Horse is a federal police officer employed by the BIA.

The lower court explained that it imposed the maximum sentence for Lehi because he was on supervised release at the time he assaulted American Horse and because Lehi’s criminal history began when he started drinking at about age 15 “and that has really characterized all of the different problems that he has been getting into since he has been an adult,” the court said.

“And one thing that’s almost invariable with his criminal history is that he gets drunk, someone calls the police, and then he fights the police when he is being arrested. And that’s exactly what happened to Officer American Horse here too,” the court added, observing that Lehi doesn’t seem to realize the consequences of his alcohol abuse.

The appeals court upheld Lehi’s 33-month sentence because it was within federal sentencing guidelines and because other cases he cited to support his argument were unpersuasive in the court’s eyes.

Murderer’s Appeal Request Denied

Andrew John Yellowbear, a Northern Arapaho tribal member, filed a request November 3 in the U.S. 10th Circuit Court of Appeals that represents his latest attempt to circumvent a life sentence for first-degree murder.

Yellowbear was convicted in 2006 in the death of his 22-month-old daughter, Marcela Hope Yellowbear, after prolonged abuse. The child’s mother, Macalia Blackburn, also a Northern Arapaho tribal member, was sentenced to 60 years in prison as an accessory.

Yellowbear initially had asked the lower court to set aside his conviction, contending only tribal or federal courts had jurisdiction because, the crime took place in Indian country, a contention the courts denied.

The challenge concerning tribal boundaries went to the Wyoming Supreme Court, which ruled that Riverton, Wyoming—the site of the crime—was no longer Indian country, although it is surrounded by the Wind River Reservation of the Northern Arapaho and Eastern Shoshone tribal nations. The federal appeals court also rejected Yellowbear’s argument over jurisdiction.

The Northern Arapaho Tribe issued a statement supporting Yellowbear’s jurisdictional argument but noting that its interest was in maintaining the legal integrity of its reservation boundaries and that it was not seeking to defend Yellowbear.

Less than a year later, in U.S. District Court in Wyoming, Yellowbear challenged his imprisonment, arguing that “the district judge fell asleep during the hearing” on a petition that could nullify his conviction.

He was unsuccessful, because the court concluded that Yellowbear failed to show “that an erroneous legal judgment would be left uncorrected if his motion was not granted” and noted that his jurisdictional claim had been rejected by the Wyoming Supreme Court.

Currently, Yellowbear asked a three-justice panel of the 10th Circuit to allow his appeal of the Wyoming District Court’s ruling, but his request was denied because he failed to make “a substantial showing of the denial of a constitutional right” and to raise issues that would justify further litigation.

Yellowbear was ordered to pay any remaining balance of the appellate filing fee and all additional outstanding motions were denied.

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October 18, 2011

10th Circuit Court of Appeals Weekly Roundup – October 10 – 16

Creek/HUD Issues Argued

A tribal nation is going head-to-head with a federal agency over the allocation of investment money following a lower court ruling against its position.

The Muscogee (Creek) Nation division of housing charges that the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) is incorrect in practices under the Native American Housing and Self-Determination Act (NAHASDA).

Its contention is part of a brief filed in the U.S. 10th Circuit Court of Appeals after a District Court last year dismissed the Nation’s complaint, agreeing with HUD that the agency was immune from lawsuit under the federal Administrative Procedure Act.

The Nation said some HUD regulations were issued without complying with NAHASDA and it challenged HUD’s authority to restrict Indian housing officials in their retaining interest accrued on money in investment accounts.

The Nation also challenges the lifting of an injunction that would have prohibited HUD from recouping $1.3 million of investment income the Nation had paid the federal agency.

HUD does not have the unlimited discretion it claims to have, the brief contends, and in fact lacks the discretion to implement a 2-year investment income restriction.

In its reply, HUD said a 2-year cap on investments is “fully consistent” with NAHASDA and its requirement is permissible for interest earned to be returned to the U.S.

Among the points raised by the government is whether investment terms can be limited to ensure grants are used for affordable housing rather than income generation.

The Nation requested oral argument before the federal appeals court to allow the justices to seek clarification.

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January 3, 2012

10th Circuit Court Says Offender Registration Is Required

Congress has the authority to require federal sex offenders to re-register in the state where they live, work, or study whether or not they travel inter-state, a federal appeals court ruled December 30.

A three-judge panel of the U.S. 10th Circuit Court of Appeals upheld the conviction and sentence of Franklin Carel Jr., who was 22 years of age in 2006 when he impregnated a 14-year-old on Southern Ute Indian Tribe lands in southwestern Colorado.

The Southern Ute Social Service Department became aware of the pregnancy and Carel later pled guilty to sexual abuse of a minor in Indian country. The appeals court petition did not specify whether he is a Southern Ute tribal member.

He was sentenced to time served and three years of supervised release under provisions of the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act (SORNA), which requires compliance with state sex offender registries where the offender “resides, works or is a student.”

Although Carel initially registered, he did not re-register three months later, as required, and he was convicted in 2010 for knowingly failing to update even though he had not changed his residence to another state.

He contended SORNA’s sex offender provision is unconstitutional, but the panel held that the registration provision is “a constitutional exercise of Congress’ authority.”

The judges noted that over the years, the 10th Circuit has rejected “numerous constitutional challenges to SORNA,” but has not specifically addressed whether Congress required federal sex offenders to comply with its registration requirements.

Among other provisions, SORNA imposes registration for all sex offenders regardless of whether they travel in interstate commerce. Some courts have asserted Congress cannot federally criminalize a sex offender’s failure to register in a state-run data base, while circuit courts have concluded the law is constitutional.

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September 3, 2012

A Leader Emerges: Hopi Tribe Adopts New Criminal Code According to Tribal Law and Order Act Standards

The Hopi Tribal Council voted to adopt a new criminal code on August 28, thereby scrapping a 1970s version that all but failed to punish sex crimes and limited tribal prosecutors to one-year terms, even for murder.

In doing so, the small Arizona tribe emerged as a leader in Indian country when it comes to criminal prosecution.

The new Hopi code incorporates standards outlined in the Tribal Law and Order Act, approved by Congress in 2010. For tribes that will adopt it, the Act offers new tools for addressing crimes, especially violent felonies, which have been on the rise in Indian country and far exceed the national average. It gives more authority to tribal prosecutors – and more flexibility to tribal judges – when it comes to sentencing offenders.

The U.S. Government Accountability Office issued a report in May noting that no tribes in a wide survey had yet adopted the new sentencing guidelines. Tuesday, August 28’s 16-2 vote, which followed a highly emotional, three-hour hearing about the systemic effects of unpunished crime in the reservation’s villages, may signal a change. Two other tribes – the St. Carlos Apache and the Pascua Yaqui, also in Arizona – have made similar governmental nods to the new guidelines set forth in the Act. But Arizona assistant U.S. Attorney Patrick Schneider, who attended the council meeting, said Hopi is the only tribe so far to have all the necessary elements in place, including a full court staff, to actually implement the guidelines.

“They’ll be able to move forward with this pretty quickly,” he said.

Following the affirmative vote, a beaming Hopi Tribal Chairman LeRoy Shingoitewa said he was proud of the council, as well as members of a committee that has been drafting the new code for the past year.

“This strengthens our ability to protect the victims of crimes on Hopi,” he said.

Unreported Atrocities

Carlton Timms is the youth coordinator in his Hopi village, Tewa, and president of the Hopi Alliance Against Substance Abuse (HAASA). Speaking in the days leading up to Tuesday’s vote, he said he was aware of some tribal members’ fears that the new code wasn’t polished enough to pass – or that tribal members didn’t know enough about it. But action to update criminal laws on Hopi has been long overdue, he said.

“The old ordinance is so outdated and so behind the times as far as addressing the crimes that are committed on the reservation,” he said. “The trends on the reservation are like what they’re dealing with in the cities now. I think we can’t wait any more.”

Timms says he’s intimately familiar with the impact of crime through both his work and his personal journey.

“I’m a recovering alcoholic,” he said. “I committed crimes when I was younger. That’s what I knew. That’s what I witnessed as a child. I didn’t know any other way of coping with what I was experiencing. It’s a cycle.”

Timms has argued that the new code presents a key part of the solution: “We really need to do something about holding people accountable,” he said.

At least a dozen impassioned community members spoke during the meeting. Because it is unusual for a non-Hopi reporter to attend Hopi council meetings – and the nature of the testimony was so personal – most of it will be reported anonymously. Young women spoke of being sexually molested as girls, and never telling because they knew their perpetrators would be free to retaliate. Teachers described their frustration and sadness at knowing their students were cowering from drunken violence by night, and expected to sit still and pay attention in class by day. Arlene Honanie, wife of the Hopi tribal vice chairman who has served as a speech pathologist educator in schools, said up to 90 percent of girls in Hopi villages can be expected to suffer sexual molestation, partly because offenders are so seldom prosecuted.

Perhaps the most surprising testimony came from a somewhat disheveled young man in jean shorts from the village of Oraibi who told the council he’d been released from jail hours before – and wandered into the wrong meeting. He’d been sitting and listening, he said, and he was incensed because he remembered a friend who had been raped and murdered; her perpetrator continues to walk free. His mother, too, was beaten years ago, and he still harbors anger against the unpunished man responsible for that. Although he hadn’t laid eyes on the new criminal code, he urged the council to pass it – which, moments later, they did.

Latitude and Power

In terms of sentencing, the 2010 Tribal Law and Order Act amends terms in the 1968 Indian Civil Right Act, which has limited tribal courts to punishments fitting misdemeanor crimes. In theory, more serious crimes were to be tried in federal courts, but a litany of disconnects have often prevented that from happening. And that’s frustrating for tribal judges like Richard Trujillo, chief judge at Hopi, who has been a major proponent of the new code.

“Today if you commit homicide or rape on a reservation and a federal court doesn’t pick up the case, the most the tribal court can punish is up to one year,” he said.

The federal Tribal Law and Order Act sets out new terms, which can be adopted by tribes to apply to crimes they’re facing: “A tribal court may subject a defendant to a term of imprisonment greater than 1 year but not to exceed 3 years for any 1 offense, or a fine greater than $5,000 but not to exceed $15,000,” it states. And a new provision allowing judges to stack terms for multiple offenses means that they can put violent criminals or repeat offenders away for up to nine years.

A year ago, the Hopi Tribe created a Law Enforcement Task Team and tasked it with updating the criminal code. The Team included council members representing multiple villages, Trujillo, Hopi Chief Prosecutor Jill Engel and various agency representatives. It was headed up by Wayne Kuwanhyoima, who spent most of his career in law enforcement.

Kuwanhyoima told the council that even while they were working on the code, events came to pass that inspired some of its elements. The Hopi Tribe created its own version of the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act, so that was included in the code. And a jailbreak at the tribe’s only detention facility led to the inclusion of new language about extraditions and arrest warrants.

Overall, definitions of crimes became more inclusive. The former code included just one statute dealing with sexual assault: a prohibition against non-consensual sexual intercourse between a man and a woman. The new code bans more forms of molestation and specifically addresses the abuse of children and the elderly, as well as same-sex sexual assaults. It also acknowledges a greater variety of illegal drugs that have emerged on the reservation since the 1970s, including methamphetamines and synthetics, and addresses a pervasive bootlegging issue.

Not Finished Yet

Many speakers at August 28’s Hopi Council meeting acknowledged that a new criminal code is a start – not a silver bullet. They pointed out the need for ongoing substance abuse education in the schools, services to help people addicted to alcohol and drugs, and aggressive law enforcement action to enforce the new codes and investigate crimes when they happen. In many cases, inadequate funding cripples key ingredients in the mix.

The Tribal Law and Order Act acknowledges that too. Besides expanding sentencing latitude for judges, the Act “encourages the hiring of more law enforcement officers for Indian lands … expands efforts to recruit, train and keep Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) and Tribal police officers; and provides BIA and Tribal police officers with greater access to criminal information sharing databases.” It also authorizes training for sexual response assault teams and allows for resources to improve criminal investigation and coordination between tribal and federal courts.

Engel, the Hopi chief prosecutor, is a recent graduate of one of the new programs, having just become a Special Assistant U.S. Attorney (SAUSA).

“I’m trained to appear on cases from reservations in federal court,” Engel explained, adding that she’s now one of eight such tribal prosecutors in the state of Arizona. She said that’s helpful to tribal criminal prosecution on multiple levels.

By the time a crime gets to federal court, “in a lot of cases I’ve gotten to know the victims,” she said. “It could help victims be more willing to work with the prosecutor. There’s increased communication, making sure cases are submitted to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.” And because she has FBI clearance and access to information from investigations, she can monitor their progress.

John Tuchi, tribal liaison for the U.S. Attorney’s Office in the District of Arizona, said many more challenges remain in law enforcement among Arizona’s 22 tribes.

For example, “with very few exceptions, most of them do not have adequate jail space,” he said. The Navajo Nation, for example, maintained 40-80 beds in various facilities before building two new jails earlier this year. Even its contracts with off-reservation facilities didn’t adequately address the need. The Hopi jail, in a converted building originally built as a drug and alcohol rehabilitation facility, has even less space.

“That is a very common experience in many tribes is that they’ll have to contract out,” he said. “If they don’t have the money they won’t get the beds.“ In one provision of the Act, the federal Bureau of Prisons has been enlisted to help fill the need, but funding has to be pulled from a variety of sources for tribes that propose new jails.

As for the disconnect between crimes and federal trials, he said, “it’s not for an arbitrary reason or because we’re busy,” he said. “It’s either not been presented to not been presented to our office for a prosecution decision, or the evidence is insufficient to sustain a federal charge.” That’s often a resource issue too, he said – tribes often can’t afford the manpower for successful investigations.

Some help on these fronts is available in provisions in the Tribal Law Enforcement Act, but tribal action will be required to take advantage of it.

At Hopi, the next big step may fall to the law enforcement branch. Mervin Yoyetewa, a tribal council representative from the Village of Mishognovi, levied a challenge on Tuesday along with his “yes” vote on the new criminal codes: “Is law enforcement going to enforce them?” he asked. “How do me make them accountable?”

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December 20, 2011

A Lethal Combination Develops

An autumn evening in 2007 that began with three Navajo members drinking and ended with one dead and the other two serving time in prison after an ill-fated union of alcohol and violence came before the U.S. 10th Circuit Court on December 12, when the two were unsuccessful in appealing their 5-year sentences.

According to their appeals, Patrick Talk and his cousin, Kenneth Martinez, had argued with a third man, Lance Ortiz, who was with Shawn Begay, the victim in a subsequent fight. Talk and Martinez were confronted by Ortiz and Begay at Martinez’ home in Iyanbito, New Mexico, located within the exterior boundaries of the Navajo Indian Reservation.

Several other people were there, but “everyone present had been drinking alcohol that evening” and a fight broke out between the two groups. Begay, who was “extremely drunk” simply “stood back watching and did not fight with anyone,” court records showed, and his “intoxication left him defenseless.”

Nevertheless, Talk pushed Begay to the ground, where Talk and Martinez “repeatedly hit and kicked him in the chest and head,” the court said, though Begay “was so inebriated that not once did he throw a punch or even attempt to defend himself” and lay motionless on the ground.

Talk also admitted using a shovel to hit a woman who was there and considered hitting her on the head “but decided not to because he did not want to kill her,” according to a presentence report.

Begay was taken to the hospital, unconscious and inebriated, nearly nine hours after he was attacked. He died from his injuries without ever regaining consciousness, the court said.

Both Talk and Begay were sentenced in district court after they pleaded guilty to involuntary manslaughter. Talk later said the court did not explain why he received the same sentence as Martinez’ nor why his sentence was longer than the federal sentencing range for aggravated assault. Martinez argued against an enhanced sentence that stemmed from Begay’s designation as a vulnerable victim.

The appeals court upheld the lower court which said of Talk’s argument about his sentence’s length that “a sentence within the recommended range of 24-30 months does not reflect the seriousness of this offense, promote respect for the law or provide a just punishment in this case.” A district court does not have to explain why co-defendants receive different or the same sentences, the three-judge appeals panel noted.

The appeals court also rejected Martinez’ argument that Begay was not unusually vulnerable and denied Martinez’ further assertion that in any case he could not have known Begay was vulnerable because Martinez himself was “involuntarily intoxicated” as a result of becoming an alcoholic as a minor.

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January 30, 2012

A Public Letter From the Cobell Lawyers Prompts Ethics and Harassment Concerns

Lawyers for the many plaintiffs in the class-action suit attached to the Cobell settlement took that case’s seemingly endless saga to a new low this month by writing and distributing a letter online and via e-mail that listed the addresses and phone numbers of the people who have chosen to appeal that settlement, adding that class members could directly contact the four appellants to learn their “motives.” In a case that’s been abundantly contentious almost from the day it started in 1995, some people fear that’s a risky move.

Several lawyers and legal experts involved in tribal and Indian law across the nation have called the letter disturbing. Some say it appears to violate the District of Columbia Bar’s Rules of Professional Conduct, specifically section 4.2, which states, “During the course of representing a client, a lawyer shall not communicate or cause another to communicate about the subject of the representation with a person known to be represented by another lawyer in the matter, unless the lawyer has the prior consent of the lawyer representing such other person or is authorized by law or a court order to do so.”

“Listing the names and addresses of four class members and alleging they are the reason no one is getting paid is hardball, pure and simple,” says Matthew L.M. Fletcher, director of the Michigan State University Indigenous Law Center, who is not involved in the case. “I can imagine the writers of the letter believe that many members of the class will send letters to the four individuals they allege are holding this up. I also imagine that some of those letters will be pretty hostile, maybe even threatening. And class counsel probably knows that, too.”

Even if the letter isn’t unethical, it is, at best, extremely problematic. Ted Frank, a lawyer for one of the appellants, Kimberly Craven, a Sisseton-Wahpeton Oyate citizen, fears it could lead to harassment of his client, adding, “We do not believe that the suggestion for class members to contact appellants is appropriate or productive.”

Frank says he expressed concern to class counsel about the letter when he learned of it, and they agreed to stop disseminating it, and asked websites that had posted the letter to remove it.

Mary Lee Johns, one of the appellants who had their contact information listed, has characterized the letter as, “a typical ploy for people who are desperate for money.” Johns, a Cheyenne River Sioux citizen, told the Lincoln Star Journal, “I think it’s silly on their part.” When asked to explain her legal challenge, she declined to cite specifics, but told the paper she disagreed with a major component of the settlement agreement—giving the federal government money to buy back former tribal land.

Johns was referring to the $1.9 billion Interior Department land-consolidation component of the settlement. Interior officials say the funds will be used to conduct, “voluntary buy-back and consolidation of fractionated land interests,” and say the plan should, “provide individual American Indians with an opportunity to obtain cash payments for divided land interests and free up the land for the benefit of tribal communities.” But Johns and others are expressing concerns over Interior’s ability to actually buy back enough land to really accomplish this goal. Plus, no one can be sure that the land Interior consolidates will actually end up going to tribes, rather than being held in perpetuity by the federal government.

The letter, still accessible via online caches as of press time, reads in part, “…because of the appeals, your Historical Accounting Class and Trust Administration Class payments cannot be made until after the appeals have been resolved, provided that we prevail on appeal. No one knows when that will occur.” It goes on to list the contact information of all four appellants, inviting class members to reach out to them for an explanation. The letter adds: “Notwithstanding your frustration and difficulties, if you choose to contact any of the 4 appellants, please be civil in your communications.”

The lead lawyer for the class counsel is Dennis Gingold, who is in private practice. Keith Harper, a Cherokee lawyer with Kilpatrick Townsend & Stockton, is among the many other attorneys involved in the case. Neither Gingold nor Harper responded to ICTMN’s request for an interview regarding the letter. Harper spent significant time last summer traveling through Indian country with lead plaintiff Elouise Cobell, attempting to explain why they believed the settlement is fair.

In the letter, the lawyers posit why the four filed their appeals: “At bottom, each believes that you are not entitled to the relief (nor the payment of your trust funds) that has been provided in the settlement agreement notwithstanding a century of abuse, malfeasance and breaches of trust by the United States government. Each of the appealing class members has filed papers that will kill the settlement if any one of them prevails on appeal. This means that you would receive nothing from the settlement: no payment, no scholarship funds, no land consolidation, and no further trust reform.”

Frank says that theory is wrong, pointing out that his appellant has always filed her appeals documents ahead of deadline, and that she has wanted the settlement to be the most lucrative it can be for Indians. The motives of the four individuals who have appealed are listed in court documents, publicly available to members of the class, although the Cobell lawyers have not always posted the complete appeals record on their website, which is supposed to be a vehicle for clarifying the case for class members.

The Cobell lawyers did not mention in their letter that if an appeal were to cause the settlement to be vacated, there could still be federal trust reform, and further settlements. Those things, however, would no doubt take years to be resolved. Nor did the lawyers in their letter mention their motive for objecting to the appeal. They will be paid over $100 million if the settlement clears. Most individual class members will receive less than $2,000.

Frank also points out that the appeals are not the only issue holding up payment to the class, as no trust administration payments can be made until the district court resolves lead plaintiff Elouise Cobell’s motion to reconsider the district court’s original denial of $10.5 million of her request for payment of $12.5 million from the settlement fund.

“Whether one agrees or disagrees with the merits of the appeals, there really can be no dispute about the importance of respecting the right of those pursuing the appeals to be heard and to have their claims reviewed,” says Eric Eberhard, Distinguished Indian Law Practitioner in Residence at the Law School at Seattle University. “Simple fairness requires no less.”

Eberhard says there is no doubt that delays in implementing the settlement at any point can lead to hardship for the intended beneficiaries of the settlement, but he strongly believes that it is fundamental to the system of justice that everyone has a right to appeal at this stage of the proceedings. “The Court of Appeals will sort out the merits of the claims made in those appeals,” he says. “Given the long history of the Cobell litigation and the numerous appeals that have been filed by all parties over the years, my personal hope is that all of the parties would respect the rights of each to be heard in court. That right was the unspoken premise of the claim filed in the federal district court back in 1995 by the original plaintiffs. They expected the right to be heard and to have their claim reviewed to be respected by the courts and the United States.”

The hard fact is, even if just one of the appeals is successful, the whole trust litigation will be back to square one—the government will not have been required to do an accounting of their mismanagement, and no money would be on the table. Fletcher notes, too, that if one of the appeals wins, then the Cobell lawyers may decide to appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court for review. The justices there – rarely kind to Indian interests – could end up seriously damaging the trust relationship between tribes and the federal government. “Imagine the court’s Jicarilla decision, but on steroids,” Eberhard says.

Still, the appellants – like every other American citizen – have the right to appeal. In this case, they claim that they are not simply trying to void the settlement for the sake of being antagonistic. Rather, their motives are to get a better deal for Indians, and to strengthen the ability of class members to get a full accounting of what the government has mismanaged.

For now, their cases await action in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit.

The settlement was announced in December 2009, after being hammered out behind closed doors by members of the Obama administration and Cobell lawyers and lead plaintiffs.

Read more: Craven Appeal of Cobell Moves Forward

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February 25, 2012

A Voting Victory for Wind River Reservation

Indian voters living in and around Wyoming’s Wind River Indian Reservation may be able to elect more Native county commissioners thanks to a ruling by a federal appeals court.

Eastern Shoshone and Northern Arapaho tribes comprise nearly 21 percent of Fremont County and 16 percent of voters have, to date, been able to elect only one Native member to the Fremont County Board of Commissioners because of an at-large voting system.

That may change under James E. Large et al. v. Fremont County and county officials, in a controversy that began in the courts seven years ago:

  • In 2005, members of the tribes filed suit in the U.S. District Court for the District of Wyoming, contending that the county in effect violated the federal Voting Rights Act through at-large board candidacy that prevented the election of a Native or Native-preferred candidate.
  • The District Court upheld the tribes suit, and in 2010 rejected a remedial election plan submitted by the county.
  • The county appealed the District Court’s rejection of the remedial plan to the U.S. 10th Circuit Court of Appeals, which February 22, 2012 upheld the District Court’s order repudiating the plan.

The tribes contended that the county’s existing practice of at-large voting for commissioners prevented a politically cohesive Native vote from electing a candidate of their choice “due to racially polarized white-bloc voting,” according to the court record.

The court-ordered remedial election plan, rejected by the lower court and appealed to the 10th Circuit, called for one single-seat Native voting district representing about 19 percent of the county’s population and one four-seat majority white district encompassing the rest of the county and representing nearly 81 percent of the county’s population.

Candidates from the Native district would have to reside in the district and would have to be voted on by members of the district, while those of the majority white district would be elected at-large by the remaining county voters, a “hybrid” plan not authorized under prevailing Wyoming law, according to a three-judge panel of the 10th Circuit.

The board’s plan would “perpetuate the separation, isolation, and racial polarization in the county, guaranteeing that the non-Indian majority continues to cancel out the voting strength of the minority,” the court said.

The 10th Circuit ruling does not foreclose the possibility that the county may ultimately implement its remedial plan through Wyoming law, which has been amended to allow hybrid election procedures.

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November 12, 2012

Akaka to Push Passage of Carcieri and More in Lame Duck Session

Senator Daniel Kahikina Akaka and Loretta Tuell, his chief of staff and chief counsel on the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, said they won’t stop working to pass a clean Carcieri fix and other important legislation during the lame duck session until the final pounding of the gavel closes the 112th Congress.

Akaka addressed Indian country by video at the National Congress of American Indians 69th Convention in late October. The video was his swan song to NCAI: After 36 years in Congress – 14 in the House and 22 in the Senate – Akaka, 88, will retire at the end of the 112th Congress. He is the country’s first Native Hawaiian senator and the only Chinese American member of the United States Senate.

A champion of Indian country, Akaka’s video speech held attendees at the conference silently engrossed. As always, Akaka began his talk by extending his aloha to the NCAI leaders, members and the NCAI President Jefferson Keel. He told the audience that he has focused the committee’s work around strengthening the identities of Native peoples and their ability to protect their homelands – two themes that were woven throughout his and Tuell’s speeches.

Loretta Tuell1 270x173 Akaka to Push Passage of <i/>Carcieri and More in Lame Duck Session

Loretta Tuell, chief of staff of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, urged tribal leaders to be proactive in lobbying their congressional representatives to support a "clean Carcieri fix" during the upcoming lame duck session and before the next congressional session convenes in January. (Gale Courey Toensing)“My top two priorities have been to secure passage of the Native Hawaiian Government Reorganization Act and to amend the Indian Reorganization Act (IRA), known as the Carcieri fix,” Akaka said. “This is a personal commitment to the principal that all federally recognized Native peoples should be offered the same rights and opportunities. Native peoples should have the same tools at their disposal to address their unique needs and priorities in their communities.”

The amendment to the IRA would clarify that the Secretary of the Interior Department has the authority to put land into trust for all federally acknowledgment tribes, “fixing” a misguided February 2009 ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court.

Bills that don’t pass during the duck session expire. If the Carcieri fix or Native Hawaiian bills die during the lame duck session of the current 112th Congress, legislators would have to start from scratch and introduce new bills during the 113th Congress, which is scheduled to begin on January 3, 2013.

Akaka stressed that he is “determined” to pass the Carcieri fix during the current Congress and he said there is support to pass it. “I’m happy to report that Majority Leader Harry Reid is committed to working with me to ensure the Carcieri fix is enacted and signed into law by President Obama this year,” Akaka said. Reid told Indian Country Today Media Network that a Carcieri fix is indeed one of Akaka’s priorities and “I would like to help him with some of those things,” Reid said. A Carcieri fix is “something we should do,” Reid said.

He talked about his home state of Hawaii with great affection and about the need for solidarity among the Indigenous Peoples of the United States. “In Hawaii we’re lucky to bring together the traditions and wisdom from the many cultures that make up our community for the benefit of all peoples, … More than ever it is critical that all Alaska Natives, American Indians and also Native Hawaiians stand together and move forward together to advance Native self-determination,” Akaka said. He talked about the cultural identity provided to the state of Hawaii by the Native Hawaiian tradition of doing things with aloha – with love and with respect. He urged American Indian leaders “to call upon the cultural values of our ancestors to guide our decisions” and to encourage young people to remember and draw courage from those values. “We must remember that we are just one in a long line of people working to ensure that our life ways, our languages, our cultures and our peoples continue for generations to come,” Akaka said.

With Akaka and several other seasoned legislators leaving Congress, “a lot of institutional knowledge is leaving,” Tuell told the NCAI members, “so your job just got a little harder in educating the new people about who we are and how we move forward.”

Tuell, a member of the Nez Perce Tribe, will also leave the government at the end of this Congress after 20 years of work in Indian Affairs. “It has been an honor and a privilege to serve under the leadership of Chairman Akaka. I remain fully committed to working to advance the Chairman’s top legislative priorities in the final days of the 112th Congress. As for the future, I look forward to exploring any opportunity that allows me to continue to serve Native people,” Tuell told ICTMN in an email.

At the NCAI convention, Tuell reviewed the committee’s work during its 35 years of existence – over 950 hearings, 350 business meetings and some 300 public laws passed. “That’s a big deal,” Tuell said. “It shows that when you have a committee that works for you, you can get things done and I encourage you to always encourage and maintain the SCIA and likewise in the House. It’s the right way to address the trust responsibilities the U.S. has to Indian tribes.”

During the current Congress, the SCIA referred 50 bills and reported 25 bills out of the committee, held 30 oversight hearings, 19 round tables, listening sessions and briefings, eight legislative hearings, nine business meetings, and approved the nomination of Assistant Secretary-Indian Affairs Kevin Washburn. The Washburn nomination was approved in seven days. “It was important because we knew President Obama wanted to make sure that position was secure whether he was re-elected or not so that Indian country had a voice in the government,” Tuell said.

But the committee’s work is not finished. According to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid the lame duck session will run from November 13 through December 21, Tuell said. “The committee will continue to do its work. It’s really important for us to be ready to move forward.”

The Budget Control Act – the legislation that requires the massive budget cuts called sequestration – will set the tone for the lame duck session, Tuell said. But the SCIA will focus on passing the Native Hawaiian Government Reorganization Act – “an issue close to the chairman’s heart,” Tuell said – the Indian Reorganization Act amendment and other bills that are important to Indian country.

“We’ve built a very strong legislative record of why we need to solve this (Carcieri) issue. It doesn’t cost a dime. It puts us back to status quo and it’s critical that we lead with our right to have land. We own this nation! This is our land! We have a right to have homeland, so we’ve been pursuing this very strongly,” Tuell said with passion. She referred to an SCIA report that shows how the high court’s ruling is hurting tribal jurisdiction, law enforcement and loan capability.

Additionally, President Obama has always been a strong advocate for a clean Carcieri fix “and his re-election doesn’t take away the urgency for the fix,” Tuell said.  “One lesson that we have learned through situations like the Patchak case is that we need to amend the Indian Reorganization Act before additional frivolous law suits are filed. Chairman Akaka is encouraged that Leader Reid included this no-cost legislative fix on his lame duck agenda,” Tuell told ICTMN. At the NCAI convention, Tuell said, “We have 60 votes on both sides on this issue. We’ve worked very hard on it. If it doesn’t happen in this Congress, it’s the number one issue in the 113th. It will not go away.”

Efforts will be made to move two other important bills forward during the lame duck session. The  Native CLASS Act provides for indigenous cultures, traditions and languages to be taught in BIA and public schools attended by Indian students. The SAVE Native Women Act strengthens tribal jurisdiction over domestic violence and sexual assault on all perpetrators on Indian land. “It’s primed for the lame duck. We need to fight for it. It’s the first time we’ve ever said we have the right to jurisdiction on our land. This is important,” Tuell said. But the vocal support and presence of Indian leaders is crucial to success, Tuell said. “We need your voice on this. We will need you to come to D.C. We will need you to use our voice for you nations, your communities.”

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